The Shasu (Ancient Egyptian: šꜣsw, possibly pronounced šaswə[1]) were Semitic-speaking pastoral nomads in the Southern Levant from the late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age or the Third Intermediate Period of Egypt. They were tent dwellers, organized in clans ruled by a tribal chieftain and were described as brigands active from the Jezreel Valley to Ashkelon, in the Transjordan and in the Sinai.[2] Some of them also worked as mercenaries for Asiatic and Egyptian armies.[3]
Etymology
editThe name's etymon may be Egyptian šꜣsw, which originally meant "those who move on foot". Levy, Adams, and Muniz report similar possibilities: the Egyptian word šꜣs that means "to wander", and an alternative Semitic triliteral root, Hebrew: שָׁסַס, romanized: šāsas, with the meaning "to plunder".[4]
Land
editThough their homeland seems to be in the Transjordan, the Shasu also appear in Canaan, Syria and even Egypt.[5]
History
editLate Bronze
editThe earliest known reference to the Shasu occurs in a 16th-century BCE list of peoples in the Transjordan region. The first occurrence of Shasu is in the biographical inscription of Admiral Ahmose found in Elkab,[6] who claims to have taken Shasu prisoners while serving Pharaoh Aakheperenre Thutmose II. The Shasu were on his way as he led a punitive expedition north. Giveon (1971) argued that the only event that could account for the Shasu' appearance at that date was the expulsion of the Hyksos (around 1550 BC).[7]
In the year 39 of Thutmose III, during his 14th campaign, the pharaoh fought the Shasu before reaching the Retjenu. Shasu are therefore found in southern Canaan. According to the Pharaoh's list, they are more specifically located in the Negev (No. 14 of the list).
The name appears in a list of Egypt's enemies inscribed on column bases at the temple of Soleb built by Amenhotep III. Among the details uncovered at the temple was a reference to a place called "sʿrr, in the land of Shasu" (tꜣ-shꜣsw sʿr), a name thought to be related to or near to Petra, Jordan.[8][9]
In the 13th century BCE, copies of the column inscriptions ordered by Seti I or by Ramesses II at Amara, Nubia, six groups of Shasu are mentioned: those of sʿrr, of rbn, of smʾt, of wrbr, of yhw, and of pysps.[10][11] The Shasu continued to dominate the hill country of Canaan (Cis-Jordan) and Trans-Jordan regions. The Shasu had become so powerful during this period that they could even cut off Egypt's northern routes for a while. This, in turn, prompted vigorous punitive campaigns by Ramesses II and his son Merneptah. After Egyptian abandonment, Canaanite city-states came under the mercy of the Shasu and the ʿAbiru, who were seen as 'mighty enemies'.[3]
The other documents of the 18th dynasty attest to the increasing importance of the Shasu in Canaan, by the large number of prisoners (at Amenhotep II, a list of prisoners gives about half of those of Khor/Kharu), and then by their appointment to Egypt's greatest enemies, like Babylon or Tehenou (Libya).
During the reign of Amenhotep III, the origin of the Shasu ("En-Shasus") is given as near the biblical city of Dothan, a place where bedouins brought their flocks. The story of Joseph in the Hebrew Bible also mentions nomads who come to water their animals at a source near Dothan.
During the pharaoh Seti I's campaign, primarily attested as a historic event by the presence of victory steles found at Tel Megiddo and Beth Shean, the Shasu live in a fertile, mountainous area between Sileh and Pa-Canaan (perhaps the city of Gaza[12]). The introductory text of the relief showing the Shasu under notes: "The Shasu enemies plot a rebellion, their tribal leaders are gathered, standing on the hills of Khor(Kharu), and they are engaged in turmoil and tumult. They don't respect their neighbours, they don't consider the laws of the Palace!" In this campaign, the pharaoh confronts the ʿAbiru around Megiddo.
The Shasu would eventually be eclipsed by the Sea Peoples. [3]
Shasu of Yhw
editTwo Egyptian texts, one dated to the period of Amenhotep III (14th century BCE), the other to the age of Ramesses II (13th century BCE), refer to tꜣ šꜣśw yhwꜣ, i.e. "The Land of the Shasu yhwꜣ", in which yhwꜣ (also rendered as yhw) or Yahu, is a toponym.[13]
|
Hieroglyph | Name | Pronunciation | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
N16 | tꜣ | |||
|
M8 | šꜣ | |||
|
M23 | sw | |||
|
w | w | |||
|
y | y | |||
|
h | h | |||
|
V4 | wꜣ | |||
|
G1 | ꜣ |
Regarding the name yhwꜣ, Michael Astour observed that the "hieroglyphic rendering corresponds very precisely to the Hebrew Tetragrammaton YHWH, or Yahweh, and antedates the hitherto oldest occurrence of that divine name – on the Mesha Stele – by over five hundred years."[14] K. Van Der Toorn concludes: "By the 14th century BC, before the cult of Yahweh had reached Israel, groups of Edomites and Midianites worshipped Yahweh as their god."[15]
Donald B. Redford has argued that the earliest Israelites, semi-nomadic highlanders in central Canaan mentioned on the Merneptah Stele at the end of the 13th century BCE, are to be identified as a Shasu enclave. Since later Biblical tradition portrays Yahweh "coming forth from Seʿir",[16] the Shasu, originally from Moab and northern Edom/Seʿir, went on to form one central element in the amalgam that would constitute the "Israel" which later established the Kingdom of Israel.[17] Per his analysis of the Amarna letters, Anson Rainey concluded that the description of the Shasu best fits that of the early Israelites.[18] If this identification is correct, these Israelites/Shasu would have settled in the uplands in small villages with buildings similar to contemporary Canaanite structures towards the end of the 13th century BCE.[19]
Objections exist to this proposed link between the Israelites and the Shasu, given that a group of people in relief at Karnak, which has been suggested as depicting the victory over the Israelites, are not described or depicted as Shasu.[a] Frank J. Yurco and Michael G. Hasel would distinguish the Shasu in Merneptah's Karnak reliefs from the people of Israel since they wear different clothing and hairstyles and are determined differently by Egyptian scribes.[20][21] The Shasu are usually depicted hieroglyphically with a determinative indicating a land, not a people;[22] the most frequent designation for the "foes of Shasu" is the hill-country determinative.[23] Thus, they are differentiated from Israel, which is determined as a people, though not necessarily as a socio-ethnic group; and from (the other) Canaanites, who are defending the fortified cities of Ashkelon, Gezer, and Yenoam.[24] Lawrence Stager also objected to identifying Merneptah's Shasu with Israelites, since the Shasu are shown dressed differently from the Israelites, who are dressed and hairstyled as Canaanites.[24][25][b] Scholars point out that Egyptian scribes tended to bundle up "rather disparate groups of people within a single artificially unifying rubric."[27][28]
The usefulness of the determinatives has been called into question, though, as in Egyptian writings, including the Merneptah Stele, determinatives are used arbitrarily.[29] Gösta Werner Ahlström countered Stager's objection by arguing that the contrasting depictions are because the Shasu were the nomads, while the Israelites were sedentary, and added: "The Shasu that later settled in the hills became known as Israelites because they settled in the territory of Israel".[25] Moreover, the hill-country determinative is not always used for Shasu, with the Egyptologist Thomas Schneider connecting references to "Yah", believed to be a short form of the Tetragrammaton, with the writings in the Shasu-sequence at Soleb and Amarah-West.[30] In an Egyptian Book of the Dead from the late 18th or 19th dynasty, Schneider identifies a Northwest Semitic theophoric name ʾadōnī-rō‘ē-yāh, meaning "My lord is the shepherd of Yah", which would be the first documented occurrence of the god Yahweh in a theophoric form.[31]
On the other hand, Lester L. Grabbe offers a synthesis of hypotheses, arguing that while the Israelites were a Canaanite people, Shasu contribution cannot be excluded. The highlands were largely uninhabited in the Late Bronze Age, and the settlers would have included former pastoralists, farmers moving to less settled areas, migrants from outside Canaan and people in general seeking a new land and life. According to Grabbe, archaeology suggests that those who settled in the hill country had a pastoralist background, but one in which they lived near settled communities, perhaps forming a symbiotic relationship with the agrarian communities whereby they traded their animals for grain.[32]
See also
editReferences
editNotes
edit- ^ However, Yurco's interpretation of these relief also has been contested. See Merneptah Stele § Karnak reliefs for further information.
- ^ If the Egyptian scribe was not clear on the nature of the entity he called "Israel," knowing only that it was "different" from the surrounding modalities, then we can imagine something other than a sociocultural Israel. It is possible that Israel represented a confederation of united, but sociologically distinct, modalities that were joined either culturally or politically via treaties and the like. This interpretation of the evidence would allow for the unity implied by the endonymic evidence and also give our scribe some latitude in his use of the determinative.[26]
Citations
edit- ^ Redford 1992, p. 271.
- ^ Miller 2005, p. 95.
- ^ a b c Younker 1999, p. 203.
- ^ Levy, Adams & Muniz 2004, p. 66.
- ^ Younker 1999, p. 198.
- ^ R. Givéon, Les bédouins Shosou des documents égyptiens, Leyde, 1971.
- ^ R. Givéon, Les bédouins Shosou des documents égyptiens, Leyde, 1971.
- ^ Grosby 2007, p. 109.
- ^ Gibson, Daniel; Harremoës, Peter. "Names for the city of Petra" (PDF).
- ^ Sivertsen 2009, p. 118.
- ^ Hasel 1998, p. 219.
- ^ R. Givéon, Les bédouins Shosou des documents égyptiens, Leyde, 1971.
- ^ Hen 2022.
- ^ Astour 1979, p. 18.
- ^ Van der Toorn 1996, p. 282–283.
- ^ Book of Judges, 5:4 and Deuteronomy, 33:2
- ^ Redford 1992, p. 272–3,275.
- ^ Rainey 2008.
- ^ Shaw & Jameson 2008, p. 313.
- ^ Yurco 1986, p. 195, 207.
- ^ Hasel 2003, p. 27–36.
- ^ Nestor 2010, p. 185.
- ^ Hasel 2003, p. 32–33.
- ^ a b Stager 2001, p. 92.
- ^ a b Ahlström 1993, p. 277–278.
- ^ Sparks 1998, p. 108.
- ^ Nestor 2010, p. 186.
- ^ Sparks 1998, p. 105–106.
- ^ Miller 2005, p. 94.
- ^ Adrom & Müller 2017.
- ^ Schneider 2007.
- ^ Grabbe, Lester L. (17 November 2022). The Dawn of Israel: A History of Canaan in the Second Millennium BCE. Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 277–279. ISBN 978-0-567-66324-5.
Sources
edit- Ahlström, Gösta Werner (1993). The History of Ancient Palestine. Fortress Press. ISBN 978-0-8006-2770-6.
- Astour, Michael C. (1979). "Yahweh in Egyptian Topographic Lists". In Gorg, M.; Pusch, E. (eds.). Festschrift Elmar Edel. Bamberg. OCLC 464504316.
- William G., Dever (1997). Bartlett, John R. (ed.). "Archaeology and the Emergence of Early Israel". Archaeology and Biblical Interpretation. Routledge: 20–50. doi:10.4324/9780203135877-7. ISBN 9780203135877.
- Hasel, Michael G. (1994). "Israel in the Merneptah Stela". Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 296 (296): 45–61. doi:10.2307/1357179. JSTOR 1357179. S2CID 164052192.
- Hasel, Michael G. (1998). "Domination and Resistance: Egyptian Military Activity in the Southern Levant, 1300–1185 BC". Probleme der Ägyptologie. 11. Brill: 217–239. ISBN 9004109846.
- Hasel, Michael G. (2003). Nakhai, Beth Alpert (ed.). "Merenptah's Inscription and Reliefs and the Origin of Israel (The Near East in the Southwest: Essays in Honor of William G. Dever)". Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research. 58. Boston: American Schools of Oriental Research: 19–44. ISBN 0897570650. JSTOR 3768554.
- Hen, Racheli S. (2022). "Signs of YHWH, God of the Hebrews, in New Kingdom Egypt?". Entangled Religions. 12 (2). doi:10.46586/er.12.2021.9463. ISSN 2363-6696. S2CID 246697144.
- Hoffmeier, James K. (2005). "Ancient Israel in Sinai". Buried History, 41, 2005, 69-70. Oxford University Press: 240–45.
- Levy, Thomas E.; Adams, Russell B.; Muniz, Adolfo (January 2004). "Archaeology and the Shasu Nomads". In Richard Elliott Friedman; William Henry Propp (eds.). Le-David Maskil: A Birthday Tribute for David Noel Freedman. Eisenbrauns. pp. 66–. ISBN 978-1-57506-084-2.
- Grosby, Steven (2007). Leoussi, Athena (ed.). Nationalism and Ethnosymbolism: History, Culture and Ethnicity in the Formation of Nations. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 9780748629350.
- MacDonald, Burton (1994). "Early Edom: The Relation between the Literary and Archaeological Evidence". In Coogan, Michael D.; Cheryl, J.; Stager, Lawrence (eds.). Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King. Westminster John Knox Press. pp. 230–246. ISBN 0664223648.
- Miller, Robert D. (2005). "Chieftains of the Highland Clans: A History of Israel in the 12th and 11th Centuries B.C." Near Eastern Archaeology. 69 (2). Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing: 99. doi:10.1086/NEA25067653.
- Nestor, Dermot Anthony (2010). "Cognitive Perspectives on Israelite Identity". Reviews in Religion & Theology. 19 (1). Continuum International Publishing Group: 141–143. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9418.2011.00993.x.
- Rainey, Anson (2008). "Shasu or Habiru. Who Were the Early Israelites?". Biblical Archaeology Review. 34 (6). S2CID 163463129.
- Redford, Donald B. (1992). Egypt, Canaan and Israel In Ancient Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-00086-7.
- Schneider, Thomas (2007). "The First Documented Occurence [sic] of the God Yahweh? (Book of the Dead Princeton "Roll 5")". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 7 (2): 113–120. doi:10.1163/156921207783876422.
- Shaw, Ian; Jameson, Robert, eds. (2008). "Shasu". Dictionary of Archaeology. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 9780470751961.
- Sivertsen, Barbara J. (2009). The Parting of the Sea: How Volcanoes, Earthquakes, and Plagues Shaped the Story of Exodus. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691137704.
- Sparks, Kenton L. (1998). Ethnicity and Identity in Ancient Israel: Prolegomena to the Study of Ethnic Sentiments and Their Expression in the Hebrew Bible. Eisenbrauns. doi:10.5325/j.ctv1w36q0h. ISBN 9781575065168. JSTOR 10.5325/j.ctv1w36q0h.
- Stager, Lawrence E. (2001). "Forging an Identity: The Emergence of Ancient Israel". In Coogan, Michael (ed.). The Oxford History of the Biblical World. Oxford University Press. pp. 90–129. ISBN 0195087070.
- Van der Toorn, K. (1996). Family Religion in Babylonia, Ugarit and Israel: Continuity and Changes in the Forms of Religious Life. Brill. ISBN 9004104100.
- Adrom, Faried; Müller, Matthias (2017). "The Tetragrammaton in Egyptian Sources – Facts and Fiction". In Van Oorschot, Jürgen; Witte, Markus (eds.). The Origins of Yahwism. De Gruyter. pp. 93–. doi:10.1515/9783110448221. ISBN 9783110448221.
- Younker, Randall W. (1999). "The Emergence of the Ammonites". In MacDonald, Burton; Younker, Randall W. (eds.). Ancient Ammon. BRILL. p. 203. ISBN 978-90-04-10762-5.
- Yurco, Frank J. (1986). "Merenptah's Canaanite Campaign". Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 23: 189–215. doi:10.2307/40001099. JSTOR 40001099.