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The 48 Laws of Power (1998)

by Robert Greene

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5,881671,832 (3.89)23
Business. Self-Improvement. Nonfiction. HTML:Amoral, cunning, ruthless, and instructive, this multi-million-copy New York Times bestseller is the definitive manual for anyone interested in gaining, observing, or defending against ultimate control – from the author of The Laws of Human Nature.
In the book that People magazine proclaimed “beguiling” and “fascinating,” Robert Greene and Joost Elffers have distilled three thousand years of the history of power into 48 essential laws by drawing from the philosophies of Machiavelli, Sun Tzu, and Carl Von Clausewitz and also from the lives of figures ranging from Henry Kissinger to P.T. Barnum.
 
Some laws teach the need for prudence (“Law 1: Never Outshine the Master”), others teach the value of confidence (“Law 28: Enter Action with Boldness”), and many recommend absolute self-preservation (“Law 15: Crush Your Enemy Totally”). Every law, though, has one thing in common: an interest in total domination. In a bold and arresting two-color package, The 48 Laws of Power is ideal whether your aim is conquest, self-defense, or simply to understand the rules of the game.
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English (61)  Portuguese (Brazil) (1)  French (1)  German (1)  Italian (1)  All languages (65)
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"History, as its clearsighted practitioners are obliged to admit, can never completely divest itself of myth.
[. . .] The individuals who are 'cooked' are those deeply involved in a physiological process." — Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Raw and the Cooked


On "Sweet" History

History is as sweet as the quantity of sugar that has been eaten to produce it. We have in mind that triangular trade in slaves and sugarcane, which is needing the douceur of sweetness as its condition of possibility, and which it's always finding, miraculously, as the byproduct of its own production. Prior to this, we were subsisting on sugarbeet, which was sufficient to produce the douceur of Wolf Logic in Aesop's Fables. (The wolf, having captured a lamb, is searching for a pretext so as to make it appear as if he were distributing a justified punishment, but he is refuted. Enfin, he declares, "well anyhow, I'm not going without my dinner," but it was sweet of him to try.) These days, we are downright saccharine (abundance of HFCS) and can go much further. The Wolf's dinner is sweetened when the fable is re-written featuring Niezsche's donkey (wise because it always says "Yea") who goes willingly to the sacrifice. Roberto Calasso reminds us, "A sacrificial act is any act where the person acting contemplates himself as he acts. The victim, the offering, is the one who acts. The sacrificer is the eye that contemplates him. For this reason, any act can be a sacrifice" (Ruin of Kasch, 144). In the age of douceur, we no longer need the donkey to reflexively lower his head, which was once accepted as the animal's consent to be sacrificed. Rather, we perceive that he is contemplating himself as he acts in the exchange, perhaps after accounting that he'll be receiving full market value for services rendered.

­­We sometimes get the wrong idea that reactionaries are screaming meemies all the time, whereas we are "perceiving as [uproar] what is actually [perfect stillness]" wrapped up in its own douceur, listening to Wagner. Greene's 48 Laws is remarkable for what appears to be a deep recognition of this quality in its _target demographic lying in tension with the liberal project of the historical revue. For this reason, we are finding an amusing juxtaposition between revolting moments in which the historical factoid is served up with nauseating sweetness, and the imagined outcome, in which we find the reactionary quoting fairy tales, the Yiddish joke, or Walter Benjamin (!) as justification for his Wolf Logic. (These are Greene's actual sources.) In this capacity, Greene is perhaps more successful in his liberal project than most reviewers realize, "Talleyrand felt a justified horror at the sudden flounderings of History, at its paroxysms. And so he sought to put a few drops of oil into the workings. [...] continued all the same: glissez, glissez, in the end something will remain. A gesture, at least" (Ruin of Kasch, 16). (I'm most struck by Greene's anecdote, deriving from Stendhal's Memoirs, of the episode in which Talleyrand embarrasses a young Napoleon "hunting boar" on the Bois de Boulogne. A similar episode is quoted nearly verbatim in Calasso's Ruin of Kasch) Talleyrand (glissant from Louis XVI, through the Terror, and past the time when the Corsican Comet is extinguished at St. Helena) has slightly less on his plate than Robert Greene, who has to put quite of bit of sugar in the tank (mixed metaphor?), to get the reactionary to read a bit of history, who now, in addition to tik tok, has access to The Joe Rogan Experience. All the more remarkable that he has succeeded. For that reason we perceive that History is erotic, because it anticipates the premature ________ bank deposit. We are recalling the other meaning of douceur as the institutional bribe, which one earns by getting things to run smoothly.

"But no historian has managed to show that Talleyrand actually conducted any important negotiation because of the douceurs he was about to receive. He obtained money, a lot of money, for things he would have done anyway" (Kasch, 346). Having paid Greene's douceur for making things sweet, one wonders who precisely is benefiting from such work. Boys who already know the source of sweetness are already using power/erotics as a practical technics in continuity with a physiological process.
Break my face in / It was the kindest touch you / Ever gave
Wigging out /Before the unfamiliar flesh / Of my broken neck
Cremate me / After you cum on my lips / Honey boy
Place my ashes in a vase / Beneath your workout bench
Fabulous Muscles —Xiu Xiu


This is the opposite of Greene's sweetened history, which is the mediated/deferred promise of a steady paycheck for those who don't already know the ropes. We are reminded of Calasso's recurrent invocation of the birds from the Upaniá¹£ads that contemplate themselves as they act and therefore perform the sacrifice. The reactionary reader who is reading 48 Laws for "practical knowledge" in Wolf Logic is already doing this, yet such sacrifices recall the ridiculous ventures of Wagner's demonic Alberich (demonic in the Kierkegaardian sense), who forfeits, in the first swoon, the love he would hope to win from power.
For first your men shall bow to my might,
then your winsome women,
who my wooing despised,
shall yield to Alberich's force,
though love be his foe!
—Wagner, Rheingold


Very few are capable of this demonic movement (incels aside, and they aren't so diligent). In this sense, the proliferation of laws to twice as much as the number of hours in a day — laws which are often doubling back to contradict each other — is functioning as panegyric against seeking such power. This is one of the few ways one can still get away with writing the simple encomium. (On this subject, I remember renting the film How to Make Money Selling Drugs (2012), which begins with celebrity-feature college-humor and ends with "YOU WILL GO TO JAIL" — a slightly less subtle take on the same subject.) Given that those who are already using 48 Laws don't need it, and those who try it can't do it, we are thinking of the other audience for Greene's text, who are reading the book out of general interest and for whom it's functioning as a kind of sensitizing agent, a sweet signal against people of the first category. This would be to read 48 Laws of Power along the same lines that Rousseau was reading The Prince in his lifetime: "It is natural that rulers should always give preference to the maxim which is of most immediate use to them. It was demonstrated with the utmost clarity by Machiavelli, who, while he pretended to give instruction to kings, gave valuable lessons to their peoples" (The Social Contract, 106). One ought to recognize that such people are "cooked." ( )
  Joe.Olipo | Jan 1, 2025 |
Calling it "Laws of Power" is a stretch ! While the book offers a pragmatic guide to social manipulation, it oversimplifies the complex concept of power. The book's focus on self-serving tactics, can be perceived as cynical and unethical.

It essentially is a pocket guide of how to be an asshole !

The author's narrow definition of power, emphasizing dominance and control ; infact the author as no conceptual understanding of real power .

Good book though , well researched , well written too . ( )
  Vik.Ram | Nov 24, 2024 |
A must read for anyone seeking power ( )
  YashalTariq | Oct 3, 2024 |
good book ( )
  Readcorner | Sep 17, 2024 |
The 48 Laws of Power, IMO, is a gateway to unlocking the deceptive, dark realities of double-dealing people in your life. It gives subtle clues that allow you to spot the pretense and shady BS, always ready, willing and able to intercept and counteract the unwelcome exploits you face.

Primarily, you don't get played like a fiddle, thrown under the bus, get walked over like a doormat. And you can comfortably realize and judge whether someone's sweeping something under the rug.

However, I find its historical content too heavy, intense, over the top type, sometimes rambling, and problematic to follow and connect the dots.

In any case, there are still many laws that I really value. But I wouldn't elaborate on them because, after all, conceal your intentions. ( )
  benjaminlmak | Aug 21, 2024 |
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«Ad alcuni, l’idea di mettere consapevolmente in atto giochi di potere — per quanto indiretti — sembra immorale, antisociale, un retaggio del passato. Sono convinti di poter scegliere di non partecipare a quei giochi semplicemente adottando comportamenti che nulla hanno a che fare con il potere. In realtà, occorre diffidare di simili individui, perché mentre esprimono queste opinioni a parole, in molti casi sono proprio tra i più abili a tessere trame a proprio vantaggio. Essi infatti ricorrono a strategie che celano abilmente la vera natura della manipolazione in atto. Spesso, ad esempio, esibiscono la loro debolezza e il fatto di non detenere alcun potere come se si trattasse di altrettante virtù morali. Ma la vera assenza di potere, quella che non è dettata in alcun modo dall’interesse personale, non ostenta la propria fragilità per guadagnarsi comprensione o rispetto. Mostrarsi deboli in realtà è di per sé una strategia molto efficace, subdola e ingannevole, nel gioco del potere.

Un’altra strategia adottata dal sedicente outsider consiste nel chiedere a gran voce parità e uguaglianza in ogni sfera dell’esistenza umana. Tutti, dunque, debbono essere trattati allo stesso modo, quale che sia il loro status e la loro forza. Ma se, per evitare il marchio disonorevole del potere, cerchiamo di comportarci con tutti quanti con la stessa equità e correttezza, ci troviamo di fronte a un problema: alcuni fanno determinate cose meglio di altri. Trattare tutti in modo paritetico significa ignorare le differenze, elevare i meno capaci e tarpare le ali di chi eccelle. Ancora una volta, molti di coloro che adottano questo approccio in realtà mettono in atto un’ennesima strategia di potere che consiste nel ridistribuire i riconoscimenti alle persone secondo criteri soggettivi che essi stessi hanno stabilito.

Esiste poi un altro modo per evitare di entrare in gioco: adottare un comportamento improntato alla massima sincerità e schiettezza, visto che le tecniche fondamentali utilizzate da chi mira al potere sono invece l’inganno e l’abitudine a tramare nell’ombra. Tuttavia, volendo essere sinceri sempre e comunque, si finisce inevitabilmente per ferire e offendere moltissime persone, alcune delle quali possono poi ripagarci con la stessa moneta. Nessuno considererà la vostra franca affermazione come totalmente obiettiva e scevra da motivazioni dettate dall’interesse personale. E a ragione: in realtà, il ricorso alla sincerità è di per sé una strategia di potere, tesa a convincere gli altri che siamo di animo nobile, buono e altruista. È una forma di persuasione, addirittura una sottile forma di coercizione.

Infine, può accadere che chi si chiama fuori dal gioco ostenti un’aria di falso candore per difendersi dall’accusa di essere assetato di potere. Di nuovo, guardiamoci da chi assume un simile atteggiamento, perché l’ostentazione di una presunta ingenuità può essere un valido strumento per ingannare il prossimo (cfr. Legge 21: Fingetevi sciocchi per mettere nel sacco gli ingenui). Ma neppure il candore autentico è al riparo dalle insidie del potere. Nei bambini esso può manifestarsi in molti modi, tuttavia spesso scaturisce dall’esigenza primaria di acquisire il controllo su coloro che li circondano. […] In sintesi, può accadere che anche le persone autenticamente innocenti siano in corsa per il potere: spesso la loro azione risulta terribilmente efficace, in quanto non si scontra con l’ostacolo della riflessione. Ancora una volta, chi ostenta o esibisce la propria innocenza è il meno innocente di tutti. […]

Se il mondo è paragonabile a una gigantesca corte attraversata da infinite trame e maneggi nei quali noi ci troviamo intrappolati, non ha senso cercare di chiamarsi fuori dal gioco. Un simile tentativo non fa che accrescere la nostra impotenza e questa a sua volta ci fa sentire più infelici. Anziché combattere contro l’inevitabile, anziché discutere e lagnarsi e sentirsi in colpa, è molto meglio eccellere nel potere. Anzi, meglio riuscirete a gestire il potere, migliori diventerete come amici, amanti, mariti, mogli e, più in generale, persone. Seguendo il percorso del cortigiano perfetto, imparerete a far sì che gli altri si sentano meglio con se stessi e diventerete per loro una fonte di piacere. Essi svilupperanno una sorta di dipendenza dalle vostre capacità e desidereranno costantemente la vostra presenza. Imparando alla perfezione a mettere in pratica le 48 leggi illustrate in questo libro, risparmierete agli altri la sofferenza che deriva dall’armeggiare goffamente con il potere — giocando cioè col fuoco senza conoscerne le proprietà. Se al gioco del potere non è possibile sottrarsi, è meglio esserne un artefice che rifiutare di cimentarvisi o adottare un approccio dilettantesco.

Per cimentarsi con successo nel gioco del potere, è necessario innanzitutto acquisire una certa visione del mondo, cambiare prospettiva. […] Sono dunque necessarie alcune capacità di base; una volta acquisite queste ultime, sarete in grado di applicare le leggi del potere con maggiore facilità.

La più importante di queste abilità, e il fondamento primo del potere, è il saper governare le proprie emozioni. Una reazione emotiva a una data situazione costituisce in assoluto il maggior ostacolo all’acquisizione del potere, un errore che vi potrà costare molto di più di qualunque temporanea soddisfazione possiate ricavare dal manifestare i vostri sentimenti. Le emozioni ottenebrano la ragione e se non siete in grado di vedere la situazione con chiarezza, non potete prepararvi ad affrontarla né reagire a essa con un minimo di controllo.

L’ira è la più distruttiva delle reazioni emotive in quanto è quella che più di tutte offusca la nostra capacità di guardare le cose con lucidità. Inoltre, essa innesca una reazione a catena che rende invariabilmente più difficile controllare la situazione e accresce la determinazione dell’avversario. Se state cercando di distruggere un nemico che vi ha fatto del male, anziché manifestare apertamente la vostra collera, è molto meglio che lo incoraggiate a tenere abbassata la guardia ostentando un atteggiamento amichevole.

Anche amore e affetto possono rivelarsi distruttivi, in quanto vi impediscono di capire come dietro le azioni di coloro che meno di tutti sospettereste impegnati in un gioco di potere stia spesso nascosto l’interesse personale. […]

Per padroneggiare le proprie emozioni occorre anche essere capaci di prendere le distanze dal presente e di considerare passato e futuro con obiettività. […]

Per quanto concerne il domani, il motto è: «Siate sempre vigili». Nulla dovrebbe cogliervi di sorpresa, perché cercherete sempre di anticipare i possibili problemi prima che si presentino. Anziché passare il tempo a fantasticare sul felice esito dei vostri progetti, dovrete darvi da fare per calcolare qualsiasi imprevisto e qualsiasi insidia possiate incontrare sul vostro cammino. Più lontano riuscirete a spingere lo sguardo, più numerose saranno le fasi del processo che sarete in grado di pianificare, maggior potere potrete acquisire. […]

Metà del gioco consiste proprio nell’imparare a dimenticare gli eventi il cui ricordo ci divora interiormente e offusca la nostra razionalità. Il vero scopo della riflessione su ciò che è stato è educare se stessi, costantemente […]. Poi, dopo aver meditato sul passato, rivolgiamo la nostra attenzione più vicino a noi, alle nostre azioni e a quelle dei nostri amici. È soprattutto da questa scuola che possiamo trarre gli insegnamenti più preziosi, perché essa si fonda sull’esperienza personale.
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Business. Self-Improvement. Nonfiction. HTML:Amoral, cunning, ruthless, and instructive, this multi-million-copy New York Times bestseller is the definitive manual for anyone interested in gaining, observing, or defending against ultimate control – from the author of The Laws of Human Nature.
In the book that People magazine proclaimed “beguiling” and “fascinating,” Robert Greene and Joost Elffers have distilled three thousand years of the history of power into 48 essential laws by drawing from the philosophies of Machiavelli, Sun Tzu, and Carl Von Clausewitz and also from the lives of figures ranging from Henry Kissinger to P.T. Barnum.
 
Some laws teach the need for prudence (“Law 1: Never Outshine the Master”), others teach the value of confidence (“Law 28: Enter Action with Boldness”), and many recommend absolute self-preservation (“Law 15: Crush Your Enemy Totally”). Every law, though, has one thing in common: an interest in total domination. In a bold and arresting two-color package, The 48 Laws of Power is ideal whether your aim is conquest, self-defense, or simply to understand the rules of the game.

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